By M. Kholid Syeirazi
If you want to see stubborn parents, look at Abu Bakar Ba'asyir. Its fragile physique is gnawed at by age, but the contents of its head are rocky. He refused to plead guilty and refused to pledge allegiance to the Republic of Indonesia and the Pancasila. In addition to the law of the Qur'an and hadith, for him is taghut . Ba'asyir is original Jombang, Gontor alumni. He was Wahabi in mind, Ikhwani in motion. He has the most influential colleagues. His name is Abdullah Sungkar, the manager of al-Irsyad Solo. Together with Sungkar, Ba'asyir made a da'wah radio in Surakarta. The program fights tuberculosis (superstition) [superstitionbid'ah churafat ).
In 1970, Sungkar and Ba'asyir were recruited by M. Natsir, the former Chair of the Masyumi, to become the head of the Solo Branch of the Da'wah Islamic Council (Da'wah Islamic Da'wah). DDII played a major role in spreading the salafi jihadi ideology to Indonesia. During the 1970s, DDII translated 12 book series by salafi-jihadi scholars such as Hasan al-Banna, Sayyid Quthb, Said Hawwa, Abu A'la al-Mawdudi, and Abdul Qadir Audah.
In 1976, Sungkar and Ba'asyir were recruited to become members of Jama'ah DI / NII by H. Ismail Pranoto (Hispran). After the massive arrests of DI / NII activists in 1977 and 1981, Jama'ah DI / NII leadership moved to Central Java. In early 1983, Sungkar appointed Ir. Syahirul Alim, M.Sc, a well-known da'i and chemistry lecturer at the UGM F-MIPA as the new Imam Jama'ah DI / NII. Mid-1983, the New Order imposed a single principle of Pancasila. Seoharto acted violently to punish dissidents. Assisted by M. Natsir, in April 1985, Sungkar and Ba'asyir moved to Malaysia. Together with their followers, they live in Kuala Pilah, Kuala Lumpur.
Late 1979, the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. The ideology of jihad finds land. Abdullah Azzam and Abdur Rabb Rasul Sayyaf founded Maktab al-Khidmat to train prospective mujahideen to avoid outside Afghanistan. The money is supported by Saudi Arabia and the United States. Saudi Arabia contributed US $ 4 billion during 1980-1990, the US around US $ 500 million outside of weapons and intelligence operations. Abdullah Kadungga, son-in-law of Kahar Mudzakar, Permesta figure, met Sungkar and Ba'asyir. He preached the opportunity to send people to participate in tadrib askari (military training). Sungkar and Ba'asyir agreed. The aim was not to help the Afghan mujahidin, but to prepare the army for jihad to overthrow the New Order.
From 1985 to 1991, deliveries were carried out in ten batches. In Harbi Pohantun (military academy), they were not only educated in military science, but also salafi-jihadi doctrines. Harbi Pohantun passed 200 people. They are not just skilled at shooting and assembling bombs, but ideological and militant. Generation of DI / NII products harbi pohantun is a quarrel in understanding religion with the generation of DI / NII products of Mt. Cupu. They are former commanders of Jihad who are free from prison and then try to reorganize the congregation. Its leader Ajengan Masduki, a follower of traditional Islam. The partnership broke out in 1992. Sungkar and Ba'asyir formed a new organization called Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) in 1993. Sungkar became Amir Jamaah, assisted by Ba'asyir in the ranks of the Qiyadah Markaziah Assembly.
In 1997, JI was given the Mindanao Hudaibiyah Camp. military training camp owned by MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front). Recruitment of combatants moved from Afghanistan to the Philippines. Within two years (1998-2000), military education and training graduated 170 combatants. The instructors were the best alumni of Harbi Pohantun such as Nasir Abas and Muhaimin Yahya.
After the New Order collapsed, Indonesia was hit by communal conflicts in Ambon and Poso. Afghan and Mindanao alumni combatants find new jihad lands. At that crucial time, Abdullah Sungkar, the respected Amir of JI, died on October 20, 1999. Despite efforts to appoint Ba'asyir as a replacement for Sungkar, JI lost its definitive leadership after 1999. In 2000, Ba'asyir was appointed as Amir Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia ( MMI). This organization accommodates former ex-combatants and DI / NII activists.
Post Sungkar, the structure of DI can be said to be paralyzed. What remains is the 'wild' combatants who are not in command. Therefore, when Hanbali and Imam Samudera detonated 25 bombs in a number of churches almost simultaneously in eight cities – known as the Natal Bombs on December 24, 2000 – Ba'asyir denied involvement. Ba'asyir also denied being involved in the Bali bombings on October 12, 2002. Despite his denial, Ba'asyir was sentenced to 2.6 years in prison.
Free in June 2006, Ba'asyir resigned from Amir MMI. On September 17, 2008, he founded Jamâah Anshârut Tauhîd (JAT). In 2010, Ba'asyir was again arrested and convicted on June 16, 2011 on charges of funding Aceh's military training. Other accusations, established the wing of Al-Qaeda in the province of NAD. Together with Aman Abdurrahman, Ba'asyir was locked in Nusakambangan. Ba'asyir was sentenced to 15 years in prison, Safe 9 years in prison.
Aman was a supporter of Abu Bakar Baghdadi, the ISIS caliph. Through Jamâ'ah Anshârut Daulah (JAD), Aman successfully invited thousands of people to pledge allegiance to ISIS and sent a number of people to Syria. For Aman's persuasion, Ba'asyir is said to support ISIS, even though it is not bai'at. Ba'asyir's support made his followers angry. JI is close to al-Qaeda and its affiliated organization, Jabhah Nusrah. While al-Qaeda did not get along with ISIS and declared war against Al-Baghdadi. A group of JAT people protested by establishing Jamâ'ah Anshârus Syarîah (JAS), including their son, Abdur Rochim Ba'asyir.
Ba'asyir's detention period is still around 5 years away. The government intends to release him more quickly on the basis of humanity. But maybe the real reason isn't that. Jokowi is a great political calculator. He understands the effects of radicalization-deradicalization. If Ba'asyir dies in prison, given his deteriorating health, there will be a spiral of radicalization. This can be a hot ball before the election. Jokowi doesn't want that to happen. He may not expect the support of ex-salafi jihadi or conservative Islam which has been thickening in Prabowo's camp, but his steps may contribute to the effects of deradicalization. But this has created a polemic. Many Jokowi supporters were disappointed and threatened Golput. Jokowi requested review. Electoral political calculations will dominate Jokowi's political steps. I think Jokowi will delay until the situation subsides.
The author is the General Secretary of PP ISNU; observer of extremist movements in Indonesia
This Article was Published On: NU Online
Translated by Google Translate